2013年10月23日 星期三

As Drug Costs Rise, Bending the Law Is One Remedy - NYTimes.com by Elizabeth Rosenthal

Lee Higman, a 71-year-old artist from Bellevue, Idaho, who considers herself a law-abiding citizen, was shocked last month when she got a notice from the Food and Drug Administration telling her: “A mail shipment addressed to you from a foreign country is being held.”

The 90 tablets of Vagifem, prescribed by her physician, that she had ordered from a Canadian pharmacy had been impounded as an illegal drug at Los Angeles International Airport.

First marketed in 1988, Vagifem estrogen tablets are used by millions of women to relieve symptoms of menopause. There is no generic version available in the United States, and brand-name drugs are expensive here. So about five years ago, Mrs. Higman started ordering the tablets from Canada, where a year’s supply that would cost about $1,000 in the United States sells for under $100.

“The price went up. And we’d lost a lot on the stock market, and we’re living on fixed incomes,” Mrs. Higman, who is an artist, said in an interview. She and her husband, a writer, are covered by Medicare. In an e-mail to the Food and Drug Administration, she sought the release of the package, explaining, “When it became economically imperative I ordered it from Canada, a country with strict drug requirements.”

The high price of many prescription drugs in the United States has left millions of Americans telling white lies and committing fraud and other crimes to get their medicines. In response to a New York Times article about the costs, hundreds of readers shared their strategies, like having a physician prescribe twice the needed dose and cutting pills in half, or “borrowing” medicines from a friend or relative with better insurance coverage. But an increasingly popular — though generally illegal — route is buying the drugs from overseas.

The Canadian International Pharmacy Association, a 10-year-old group, said its members fill prescriptions for one million Americans each year. “It’s the Americans who are seeking us out,” said Tim Smith, the group’s general manager. “Clearly there’s a need.”

In surveys from 2011 by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, about 2 percent of adults and about 5 percent of the uninsured said they had bought prescription drugs from other countries. The figures most likely underestimated the practice because people may be reluctant to admit to doing something illegal, even though the law is rarely enforced in such cases.

The Food and Drug Administration says on its Web site that “in most circumstances it is illegal to import drugs into the U.S. for personal use” because the agency cannot guarantee they are safe and effective. The government also prohibits “reimportation” of drugs made in the United States because it cannot guarantee the medications were not tampered with or stored improperly.

The agency said it does not track the volume of such imports. However, it “typically does not object” to people buying imported medicine for personal use “under certain circumstances,” the agency said. Those include using the drug to treat a serious condition for which an effective alternative is unavailable in the United States and purchasing less than a three-month supply. But those ambiguous edicts have left patients wary.

Dr. Stephen Barrett, a retired psychiatrist and health care advocate in North Carolina, said he has saved thousands of dollars buying medicines from overseas in the past decade. “It may be technically illegal, but I don’t think anyone would ever get prosecuted,” he said, adding that such laws reflected “protectionism” for drug makers. Although the Obama administration initially proposed allowing some importation of drugs, the idea was dropped from the Affordable Care Act after intense opposition from the pharmaceutical industry.

Mr. Smith, of the Canadian pharmacy group, said members follow strict pharmacy and prescription protocols and dispense only medicines approved by Health Canada, which regulates them. Members also broker purchases from licensed pharmacies in other countries, like Britain and Australia, which may further reduce the costs. Package inserts in foreign languages must be translated into English.

He acknowledged that consumers must take care to ensure an online pharmacy is legitimate, noting that in 2011 his association sent hundreds of cease-and-desist letters to Web sites — some of which were not based in Canada and were not even pharmacies — that were fraudulently using the group’s certification seal.

Dr. Barrett said he uses Web sites like PharmacyChecker.com to screen online pharmacies and prefers products from English-speaking countries.

Some purchases from overseas pharmacies are identical to products sold in the United States. When a Food and Drug Administration compliance officer told Mrs. Higman that her order of Vagifem was held because it was an “unapproved” drug, she responded, “This drug might come from Turkey, however, it is in the same box, the same packaging, the same labels, the same manufacturer, Nordisk, as the outrageously priced Vagifem in the United States.”

Identical drugs sold in other countries may have different package inserts, slight variations in dose or different brand names. But that is frequently a function of patent law and business decisions by drug makers, rather than medical efficacy.

Diana Simonson, 42, a freelance computer programmer in Glens Falls, N.Y., said she started ordering her inhalers from Canada after she nearly died of an asthma attack in the United States, where she cannot afford her preventive treatments.

For decades, she was able to control her asthma with a steroid inhaler. But it was banned a few years ago because it contained a propellant that was deemed environmentally harmful. The replacement product cost $250 a month. “That was like another car payment — I couldn’t do it,” said Ms. Simonson, who has a high-deductible insurance policy through the Freelancers Union.

With an income of about $35,000 and a child to raise, she tried to do without. But at an air show with her 7-year-old son, she became so short of breath that she had to be rushed by ambulance to an emergency room.

The inhalers she gets from Canada every three months are the same brand, and by the same manufacturer, that she used to buy in the United States. But often they are produced in a third country, like Turkey or Malaysia.

Kristen Bailey of Colorado started ordering medicine by mail from India when she was given a diagnosis of Crohn’s disease after graduating from college in 2011 with no insurance. Her medicine retails for tens of thousands of dollars in the United States.

The process is simpler for patients who live near the border. Joshua Kalish, 70, of Silver City, N.M., said that before he was eligible for Medicare, he drove to Mexico to fill his prescriptions, calling it a “common practice.”

Mrs. Higman said she is also heading for the border. Despite her pleas, the Food and Drug Administration told her that her Vagifem tablets would be returned to Canada or destroyed.

To tide her over, she has spent $233 for two months of Vagifem at a local pharmacy. “Fortunately my children and grandchildren live in Seattle, so the next time we go over there, I’ll take a little trip up to Vancouver, British Columbia, to buy my medicine,” she said. “I’ll save enough money to get room service in a five-star hotel there and still have enough left to claim I saved a couple of bucks.”



Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/23/health/as-drug-costs-rise-bending-the-law-is-one-remedy.html?ref=elisabethrosenthal&pagewanted=print

拍賣電視牌照是好事 by 雷鼎鳴

  我認識王維基,但不是很熟。在有限的幾次交往中,我看不到他是個熱衷政治的人,反而感到他是一位喜歡新生事物,希望領導潮流的生意人。他言談中,永不忘把一些他認同的新理念融入商業思維中。至於有些人可能懷疑他將來會否把政治也變成商品去買賣,我是沒有根據去作出任何預測的。

 

  我不懂電視這行業,但從好些資深電視人所寫的評論中看到,王維基搞香港電視所採用的「商業模式」的確與別不同。悲觀的人會認為,他是外行領導內行,不懂控制成本,搞太多頻道,戰線開得太長,但所擁資金不足以支撑他長期燒錢;欣賞他的人或會相信,他可以替電影業及創意產業帶來一個新的局面。事實上,古往今來,能夠成大業者往往都需要冒險,擺脫舊模式的規範。王維基所採用的,我相信可被視高風險,但潛在著高回報的模式。

 

「選美」方法不恰當

 

  政府今次三揀二,是用「選美」的方法,我認為並不恰當。電視廣播有涉及公共利益,政府不能說沒有責任去監管,但監管範圍應只著眼於電視台會否成為散播不雅言語、製造謠言等等的陣地,又或有沒有提供到英語或其他語言頻道,以照顧到少數族群的利益等等。至於新加入的電視台會否造成激烈競爭,幾敗俱傷,有些電視台要失敗離場,這些政府並無多少角色可扮演。事實上,在判斷商業前景上,坐在辦公室的政府官員,判斷力一般比不上拿真金白銀出來拼搏的投資者。若這些投資者自己不怕輸身家,政府有甚麼理由去阻止他們去冒險?

 

  政府以為「選美」符合公共利益這一種思維,由來已久。例如,2000年政府設了限額,並邀請業界申請3G牌照。初時,政府仍是用「選美」方式,不打算把牌照拍賣出去,因為政府以為把牌照免費送出,可減低消費者將來每月須繳交的電話通訊月費,符合公共利益。殊不知就算中學生也能懂得的成本經濟學告訴我們,若牌照須拍賣才能取得,此種成本只是固定成本,而影響未來收費的,只是所謂的「邊際成本」,固定成本完全沒有作用。但若一度估價有數以百億計的3G牌照通過「選美」後送了出去,等於送給電訊商一份禮物,消費者不會因此而少交月費,政府庫房也少了一大筆收入。當年,不少經濟學家對政府的原意頗不認同,後來政府才改變初衷,放棄「選美」,改為拍賣,但時間延誤了,科網股已爆破,政府的收入也減少了。

 

宜把權力交回市場

 

  電視廣播的牌照應發給誰?假如沒有天然的限制,例如沒有規模效應,亦即不是公司愈大愈有效的話,政府除了作出上述必要的監管外,根本便應任人進入市場競爭,優勝劣敗,各安天命。假如因某種原因,例如大氣電波頻道有限等等,政府一定要設立電視台限額的話,那麼,應否使用「選美」的方法?

 

  我看不出「選美」有多大的好處。政府把權力抓在自己手中,有時會自尋煩惱。政府的商業與創新觸覺很難會好得過市場中人,那麼選出來的「美」便不一定真的那麼「美」了。更好的方法是靠市場拍賣,那些信心十足,相信自己公司能賺取到更大利潤的投資者,會更願意付出較高的價錢去買下牌照。那些苟延殘喘的,也會知難而退,在投標時敗下陣來。

 

  至於現有的電視台,也可定期要他們投標續牌,這樣才是公平競爭,政府也可洗脫政治干預的嫌疑,把權力交回市場是好事。

 

轉載自晴報

 



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/internationalaffairs/francislui/20673

兩個三中全會 同一內容 by 石鏡泉

  我估計,今年的十八大三中全會,會有不少十一大三中全會的影子。要認識中國的改革開放,就不能不看十一大三中全會。所謂「大」,是指中共第幾次的全國代表大會,會中決定了人事任命,也制定出之後五年或五年又五年的治國方案。 

 

  十一大三中全會於1978年底開,那是中國政經史上重要的一年。2007年10月16日,我在《經濟日報》《認識十七大,買股唔會壞》一文中有如下引述:

 

  1987年鄧小平會見南斯拉夫代表時說:「不改革就沒有出路,舊的一套,經過幾十年的試驗不成功,過去搬弄外國的模式,再加上我們的一些錯誤,阻礙了生產力的發展,導致了思想上的僵化。中國共黨的錯誤,從1957年起主要是『左』,『文化大革命』是極『左』,使中國在將近20年間處於停滯狀態。從1978年黨的十一屆三中全會起,我們制定了一系列新的政策,把發展生產力,搞社會主義四個現代化作為壓倒一切的中心。」

 

改革就是要脫貧

 

  改革又是為甚麼?同樣在1987年鄧小平就謂:「搞社會主義,一定要生產力發達,貧窮不是社會主義。我們應堅持社會主義,但要進一步建設對資本主義具有優越性的社會主義,首先必須擺脫貧困的社會主義。現在雖說我們也在搞社會主義,但事實也不夠格。只有到了下世紀中葉,達到了中等發達國家的水平,才能說真的搞了社會主義,才能理直氣壯地說,社會主義優於資本主義,現在我們正在向這個路上走。」

 

  由1982年到2007及之後,中國這幾代領導人要做的,就是讓中國擺脫貧窮,要讓中國在2050年前後,到達中等發達國家的水平。在1984年,全國人民每天創造國民收入11.6億元,每人平均創造1.14元,一年就是創造416.1元,要達到中等發達國家的水平,就起碼要年人均收入逾3,000美元,即逾2.25萬元人民幣,即每月要逾1,800元,所以胡錦濤在十七大的報告中,要求經濟要翻兩番,為的就是要繼承這幾代中國領導層的大計,要脫貧。

 

  基此,大家認為十八大的公告會跟脫貧這個自1978年以來,中央努力的目標,會有多大不同?應是沒有,因為在1987年時的中國領導層,認為中國要到2050年才可脫貧。

 

  我寫《認識十七大,買股唔會壞》一文時,未有雷曼爆煲事件。爆煲一來,就買甚麼都壞;到今時金融風暴已褪,QE待退,我仍然堅持,認識十一大三中全會,買股不會太壞,有歐、美、日債爆煲時就不算,要自己執生。十一大三中全會是如何的,還是等鄧小平來講,而這個「講」,又是引自《認識十七大,買股唔會壞》一文,今時回看,內容仍未過時。

 

  鄧小平在中共十二大開幕詞中提出:「建設有中國特色的社會主義。」這一科學命題。他說:「我們的現代化建設,必須從中國的實際出發。無論是革命還是建設,都要注意學習和借鑑外國經驗。但是,照抄照搬別國經驗、別國模式,從來不能得到成功。把馬克思主義的普遍真理同我國的具體實際結合起來,走自己的道路,建設有中國特色的社會主義。」

 

  1978年底中共的十一屆三中全會後,中國共產黨在對社會主義再認識的過程中,在哲學、政治經濟和科學社會主義等方面,發揮和發展了一系列科學理論觀點,包括:關於解放思想,實事求是,以實踐作為檢驗真理的唯一標準的觀點;關於建設社會主義必須根據本國國情,走自己的路的觀點;關於在經濟文化落後的條件下,建設社會主義必須有一個很長的初級階段的觀點;關於社會主義社會的根本任務是發展生產力,集中力量實現現代化的觀點;關於社會主義經濟是有計劃商品經濟的觀點;關於改革是社會主義發展的重要動力,對外開放是實現社會主義現代化的必要條件的觀點;關於社會主義民主政治和社會主義精神文明是社會主義重要特徵的觀點;關於堅持四項基本原則同堅持改革開放的總方針這兩個基本點相互結合、缺一不可的觀點;關於用「一個國家、兩種制度」來實現國家統一的觀點;關於執政黨的黨風關係到黨的生死存亡的觀點;關於按照獨立自主、完全平等、互相尊重、互不干涉內部事務的原則,發展同外國共產黨和其他政黨的關係的觀點;關於和平與發展是當代世界的主題的觀點。上述觀點,構成了建設有中國特色的社會主義理論的輪廓,初步回答了我國社會主義建設的階段、任務、動力、條件、布局和國際環境等基本問題,規劃了我們前進的科學軌道。

 

消除貧窮首務 提高生產力

 

  不少人認為這些都是黨八股,政治空談。在1978年時我們看不上眼,但到今日,是否覺得中國確是走出了條有中國特色的社會主義道路來?

 

  要走出這條路,是要有很多個堅持,也不是一代人堅持便可。鄧小平為保證幾代人的堅持,所以有指定隔代接班人,指定胡錦濤要接江澤民的班,就是不想出現西方民主裏的A黨上台,拉下了前朝B黨的政策,B黨上台又改變前朝A黨的政策。這個隔代指定,的確是不民主,但就保證了改革可按既定軌迹持續下去。

 

  我在今年書展後出了本書:《錢荒,習李新政下的投資》,其中有三分一篇幅是介紹各「大」的政策,因為在習李王(要加入王岐山,明天續談)的領導下,不少國企會被修理,為的就是要貫徹十一大三中全會的議決。由於中國政經都是不斷發展的,但書本印刷必定有個截稿期,故出書之日,資料就可能out了,為免讀者所購書的資料過時,因此書出之後會有三次電郵或傳真跟讀者來update最新發展:第一次update已在九月時出了;第二次update會在十八大三中全會有公告後,估計要到11月,而第三次會是明年三月,待李克強有了政府工作報告之後。

 

  投資中國既要看歷史,亦要看未來,更重要的是你要看管理層的眼界與手法,並不能單看PE、PB的,因為中國股市是政策市。

 

*編者按:本文只供參考之用,並不構成要約、招攬或邀請、誘使、任何不論種類或形式之申述或訂立任何建議及推薦,讀者務請運用個人獨立思考能力自行作出投資決定,如因相關建議招致損失,概與《經濟通通訊社》、《晴報》、編者及作者無涉。

 

轉載自晴報

 



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/wealth/arthurshek/20675

不要為五斗米折腰 by 王維基

  這幾天我突然「人氣急升」,有朋友建議我棄商從政。相信不少資訊科技界的朋友都清楚,我是那種「得罪人多,稱呼人少」的人,我的敵人絕對比朋友多。我並非適合從政的人,說話太直率,不夠圓滑,也不懂包裝言詞,自然容易得罪別人。

 

  過往七天,大家都憤怒了。先把甚麼政治大道理放下,且不說市民有沒有權力選擇特首,但我選擇哪一種娛樂,要選擇哪一個電視台,也要你管嗎?難道真的如市民所說,以後購買廁紙,也要買政府規定的那一款嗎?當權者的行動,反映出他根本完全漠視市民關心的議題和需要,與社會完全走向相反的極端。市民也許根本不會理會甚麼大道理,或許他們只是喜愛這個電視台的精神,才會走到街上,表達自己的不滿。

 

  今天,可以肯定的是,大家更憤怒了,並不是因為要為王維基或香港電視不值,而是希望行會成員和各政府官員本著良心說真心話,面向市民,面向自己的子女,不會為五斗米而折腰。

 

轉載自晴報

 



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/internationalaffairs/rickywong/20671

七 天 天 氣 預 報@香 港 天 文 台 於 2013 年 10 月 22 日 16 時 30 分 發 出 之 天 氣 報 告 by HKO

七 天 天 氣 預 報

天 氣 概 況 :
東 北 季 候 風 會 在 未 來 數 天 持 續 支 配 華 南 , 並 為 該 區 
帶 來 大 致 晴 朗 及 乾 燥 的 天 氣 。 同 時 , 位 於 西 北 太 平 
洋 的 熱 帶 氣 旋 范 斯 高 會 移 近 琉 球 群 島 及 日 本 以 南 海 
域 。 

十 月 二 十 三 日 ( 星 期 三 )
風   : 北 至 東 北 風 4 級 。 
天 氣 : 天 晴 , 但 部 分 地 區 有 煙 霞 。 日 間 非 常 乾 燥 。 
氣 溫 : 22 至 28 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 35 至 65 。

十 月 二 十 四 日 ( 星 期 四 )
風   : 北 至 東 北 風 4 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 。 日 間 非 常 乾 燥 。 
氣 溫 : 22 至 27 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 35 至 60 。

十 月 二 十 五 日 ( 星 期 五 )
風   : 北 至 東 北 風 4 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 。 日 間 非 常 乾 燥 。 
氣 溫 : 21 至 26 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 35 至 60 。

十 月 二 十 六 日 ( 星 期 六 )
風   : 東 北 風 4 級 , 後 轉 東 風 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 天 晴 乾 燥 。 
氣 溫 : 20 至 25 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 40 至 65 。

十 月 二 十 七 日 ( 星 期 日 )
風   : 東 風 4 至 5 級 , 離 岸 間 中 6 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 , 日 間 天 氣 乾 燥 。 
氣 溫 : 21 至 25 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 55 至 75 。

十 月 二 十 八 日 ( 星 期 一 )
風   : 東 風 4 至 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 多 雲 。 
氣 溫 : 22 至 25 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 60 至 80 。

十 月 二 十 九 日 ( 星 期 二 )
風   : 東 風 4 至 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 多 雲 。 
氣 溫 : 23 至 26 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 60 至 80 。

10 月 22 日 下 午 二 時 北 角  錄 得 之 海 水 溫 度 為 27 度 。
10 月 22 日 上 午 七 時 天 文 台  錄 得 之 土 壤 溫 度 為 :
0.5 米 27.8 度 ;
1.0 米 28.4 度 。

七 天 天 氣 預 報 插 圖
第 一 天 插 圖 編 號 81 - 乾 燥 
第 二 天 插 圖 編 號 81 - 乾 燥 
第 三 天 插 圖 編 號 81 - 乾 燥 
第 四 天 插 圖 編 號 50 - 陽 光 充 沛 
第 五 天 插 圖 編 號 51 - 間 有 陽 光 
第 六 天 插 圖 編 號 60 - 多 雲 
第 七 天 插 圖 編 號 60 - 多 雲 

天氣報告@香 港 天 文 台 於 2013 年 10 月 23 日 7 時 02 分 發 出 之 天 氣 報 告 by HKO

上 午 7 時 天 文 台 錄 得:
氣 溫 : 22 度
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 55 
天 氣 插 圖: 編 號 50 - 陽 光 充 沛 

請注意:

火 災 危 險 警 告 為 紅 色 , 表 示 火 災 危 險 性 極 高 。 

  
本 港 其 他 地 區 的 氣 溫 :

京 士 柏              22 度 ,
黃 竹 坑              22 度 ,
打 鼓 嶺              19 度 ,
流 浮 山              20 度 ,
大 埔                 19 度 ,
沙 田                 22 度 ,
屯 門                 21 度 ,
將 軍 澳              20 度 ,
西 貢                 22 度 ,
長 洲                 21 度 ,
赤 鱲 角              23 度 ,
青 衣                 20 度 ,
石 崗                 19 度 ,
荃 灣 可 觀           19 度 ,
荃 灣 城 門 谷        19 度 ,
香 港 公 園           21 度 ,
筲 箕 灣              22 度 ,
九 龍 城              22 度 ,
跑 馬 地              22 度 ,
黃 大 仙              21 度 ,
赤 柱                 22 度 ,
觀 塘                 22 度 ,
深 水 埗              22 度 。


China Tries to Clean Up Toxic Legacy of Its Rare Earth Riches - NYTimes.com by Keith Bradsher

TIANJIN, China — In northern China, near the Mongolian border, radioactively contaminated leaks from two decades of rare earth refining have been slowly trickling underground toward the Yellow River, a crucial water source for 150 million people.

In Jiangxi province in south-central China, the national government has seized control of rare earth mining districts from provincial officials after finding widespread illegal strip-mining of rare earth metals.

And in Guangdong province in southeastern China, regulators are struggling to repair rice fields and streams destroyed by powerful acids and other runoff from open-pit rare earth mines that are often run by violent organized crime syndicates.

Communities scattered across China face heavy environmental damage that accumulated through two decades of nearly unregulated rare earth mining and refining. While the Chinese government has begun spending billions of dollars to clean up the damage, the environmental impact is becoming an international trade issue, with a World Trade Organization panel in Geneva expected to issue a crucial draft report on Wednesday.

Arriving three years after an international tempest over the rare earths trade and 19 months after the World Trade Organization litigation was actually filed, the coming decision may not make a big difference to the rare earth industry itself, industry executives and officials said. But the case does seem to have had the unintended effect of helping to goad China into an enormous environmental cleanup.

China, the world’s dominant producer of rare earth metals, quietly and unilaterally imposed taxes and annual tonnage limits on its rare earth exports seven years ago. It then gradually raised the taxes and lowered the tonnage limits in subsequent years, slowly throttling supplies to overseas manufacturers.

China contends that these export restrictions are needed to protect its environment. The United States, the European Union and Japan have challenged China’s taxes and quotas at the World Trade Organization. They note that China has done little to limit rare earth consumption within its borders.

The rare earth case “will be a landmark case in terms of both export restrictions and the environment,” said James Bacchus, the former two-term chairman of the W.T.O. appeals tribunal in Geneva.

China has made ample supplies available to manufacturers within China that produce crucial components for a host of products like laptop computers, compact fluorescent bulbs, wind turbines and electric cars. Some Western and Japanese companies have moved factories to China to make sure that they have access to rare earths.

The W.T.O. panel faces some of the trickiest issues in international trade. Environmentalists have been wary of the trade organization ever since its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, rejected an American ban in the early 1990s on the import of tuna caught in ways that are hazardous to dolphins.

The Chinese export restrictions have become less important over the last several years for two reasons. Alternative rare earth mines have gone into production in the United States and Australia, reducing China’s share of global production to 85 percent, from 95 percent three years ago. And companies have become much more efficient about economizing on rare earths, especially the costliest ones, the so-called heavy rare earths like dysprosium.

The change is visible in the supply warehouse here of one of the world’s few factories producing rare earth powders for use in very powerful magnets. Whether in smartphones or missiles, the most advanced applications for rare earths tend to involve the manufacture of miniature but crucial components using the powerful magnetic qualities of rare earths.

The rare earth complex here in Tianjin is owned by Molycorp, an American company, although the factory buys its processed rare earths almost entirely from Chinese refineries. The warehouse has neatly arranged stacks of barrels of rare earths. The bright blue barrels holding neodymium, another highly magnetic rare earth, are only two feet high and a little more than a foot in diameter, but weigh more than 550 pounds because of the material’s extraordinary density.

Sitting by itself on a wooden pallet is a single gray can of dysprosium, a rare earth that sells for $243 per pound. Dysprosium prices soared as high as $1,135 per pound two years ago in a speculative bubble that followed China’s imposition of an unannounced embargo on rare earth shipments to Japan from September to November 2010, during a territorial dispute.

That spike in prices has prompted companies to economize in use of rare earths. Molycorp now mixes half as much dysprosium into its magnetic powders as it did even a year ago. Many of its customers have decided that their magnets do not need dysprosium, which is added in trace quantities to help rare earth magnets retain their magnetism at temperatures above the boiling point of water.

“People in Sichuan think they would die without their chili peppers, but they can live without them,” said Chen Kerong, the production director at the Molycorp factory here. “People love dysprosium, but they can live without it, too.”

The global oil industry has similarly begun using less lanthanum, another rare earth, during oil refining. Only 1.5 percent of the latest catalyst formulations for oil refining are now lanthanum, down from 4 or 5 percent three years ago.

But the case before the World Trade Organization appears to have made a difference already by prompting a broad environmental cleanup. In a white paper issued in June last year, China’s cabinet described at length the environmental harm caused by the rare earth industry, an admission that although embarrassing for Beijing may have buttressed its case at the W.T.O. that the rare earth industry is a dirty business for which export restrictions are justified. “Excessive rare earth mining has resulted in landslides, clogged rivers, environmental pollution emergencies and even major accidents and disasters, causing great damage to people’s safety and health and the ecological environment,” the white paper said.

Chinese officials have repeatedly denied that their newfound concerns for the environmental consequences of rare earth mining and refining are driven by a desire to help avoid defeat at the W.T.O., although the cleanup could help on that.

Whole villages between the city of Baotou and the Yellow River in Inner Mongolia have been evacuated and resettled to apartment towers elsewhere after reports of high cancer rates and other health problems associated with the numerous rare earth refineries there.

The most hazardous refineries are those that crack the tight chemical bonds that tie rare earths found in mineral ores to a variety of hazardous materials, notably radioactive thorium. Once these chemical bonds are broken, using many tons of extremely concentrated sulfuric acid, the valuable rare earth metals, which are not radioactive themselves, can be purified. But a hazardous stew of toxic chemicals and low-level radioactive waste is left behind. Most of that waste has been dumped into the world’s largest mine tailings pond, which covers four square miles near the Yellow River on the western outskirts of Baotou.

Built in the 1950s under Mao Zedong, the tailings pond lacks a liner to prevent the leaking of radioactive waste and toxins into the groundwater, where they have been gradually seeping toward the Yellow River. There is no evidence that the waste and toxins have reached the river, but the Chinese government plans to spend hundreds of millions of dollars pumping out as much contaminated groundwater as possible and pumping enormous quantities of fresh water into the earth to dilute what is left before it reaches the Yellow River.

On orders from Beijing, state-controlled enterprises have dismantled Baotou refineries and rebuilt them at an enormous mining complex at Bayan Obo in the Gobi Desert, which mines about half the world’s rare earths. Chinese state-controlled media have reported that goats and other livestock there suffer high mortality rates and that severe deformation in babies may have been caused by radioactive contamination from the rare earth industry.

Located in an arid area nearly uninhabited except for mine workers, the refineries have been rebuilt there with extensive wastewater treatment facilities, according to industry officials in Beijing.

The W.T.O. panel will send its confidential draft report on Wednesday to China and the countries that brought the case, which will then be allowed to suggest changes before the final decision is made on Nov. 21.

Whoever loses the decision is likely to appeal to the trade organization’s appellate body — two-thirds of decisions are appealed, and sometimes even winners have appealed to obtain better-worded verdicts. Each party has six weeks to decide whether to appeal after the decision is published in mid-December, and then the appellate body has another three months to rule.

The betting in most of the rare earth industry and among international trade lawyers is that China will lose the W.T.O. case and will comply by removing its export quotas and export duties. But these changes may not make a big difference, because China has spent the past few years forcing mergers so that 99 percent of the country’s legally mined rare earths are produced by just 10 companies, all with varying degrees of state control.

But if they push prices up too quickly, they could face competition from Molycorp, which has reopened a mine in the California desert, and from Lynas of Australia, which mines rare earths in Western Australia and refines and processes them in Malaysia.

Market forces may have more of an effect on China’s ability to control the market in the coming years than export restrictions, said Dudley Kingsnorth, a former rare earths mining executive who is now a business professor and the director of the Critical Materials Initiative at Curtin University in Perth, Australia.

“If it were decided five years ago,” he said, “it might have had an impact.”



Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/23/business/international/china-tries-to-clean-up-toxic-legacy-of-its-rare-earth-riches.html?n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/B/Bradsher,%20Keith?ref=keithbradsher&pagewanted=print

頭條日報 頭條網 - I stifled my impulse to laugh by Michael Chugani

My good friend Tao Kit said something on my TV show last week that was funny but I stifled my impulse to laugh. The word stifle has several meanings but used this way it means to stop myself or to refrain from doing something. The word impulse means a strong and sudden desire to do something. So, when I say "I stifled my impulse to laugh", it means I stopped my sudden strong desire to laugh. I stifled my impulse to laugh because what Tao Kit said was politically incorrect. It was also sexist. Something is sexist when it insults or discriminates others, especially women, based on sex. For example, it is sexist for a man to tell jokes that insult women.

        T ao Kit made his politically incorrect remark when we were discussing the opposition by some people to the appointment of a foreigner to be vice-chancellor of the Hong Kong University. Among those who opposed the appointment of Peter Mathieson, who is from Britain, was Chan Yuen-ying, a journalism professor at the university. She wrote in an article that Mathieson was unqualified because he was just a medical professor from Bristol, a city with a population of only 430,000. I asked Tao Kit if population size mattered. He replied that size did not matter. Saying that was OK. But then he added: "As a woman, Chan Yuen-ying should know that size does not matter."

        By adding "as a woman", Tao Kit used his good English to change the whole meaning of his comment. The meaning then became that women know the size of a man's penis does not matter when they have sex. After the TV recording, we both agreed the comment was sexist, politically incorrect, and viewers could complain to the Communications Authority, which monitors the standard of TV stations. Government licensing conditions require TV stations to have much higher standards than newspapers. Tao Kit and I both agreed the comment should be edited out. The expression edit out is a journalistic term which means to cut out or remove. I don't usually edit out comments on my show but this time I felt I needed to.

        *****

        我的好友陶傑上星期在我的電視節目中說了些好笑的話,但我強忍住(stifled)想笑的衝動(impulse)。Stifle這個字有多重意思,用在這裏是指忍住或制止自己去做某事。Impulse是突然有做某事的強烈欲望。所以當我說I stifled my impulse to laugh,即是說我制止了自己突然想笑的強烈欲望。我強忍着(stifled)想笑的衝動(impulse),因為陶傑所說的是政治不正確,而且帶有性別歧視(sexist)的成份。某事若建基於性別而羞辱或歧視他人,尤其是女性,那就是sexist。譬如,男人說笑話去侮辱女人,那就是性別歧視(sexist)。

        陶傑作出他那段政治不正確的評論,是在我們討論有些人反對委任洋人擔當香港大學校長的事時。那些反對委任英國人馬斐森的人當中,有港大新聞系教授陳婉瑩。她寫了一篇文章,批評馬斐森未夠資格,因為他不過是個來自布里斯托的醫科教授,而布不過是個只得四十三萬人口的城市。我問陶傑,人口的大小重要嗎﹖他回答大小是不重要的,這樣說沒有不妥。然後他再加一句:「身為女人,陳婉瑩該知道大小是不重要的(size does not matter)。」

        加了一句「身為女人」,陶傑就用了他的上乘英語去改變了整句評論的意思了。這句的意思變成了,男女做愛的時候,女人知道男人陽具的大小是不相干的。但在錄影後,我倆都同意這句評論帶性別歧視(sexist)和政治不正確,而觀眾會向監察電視台質素的通訊局投訴。政府發牌的條件,是要求電台比報章有更高的水平。陶傑和我都同意那句評論要刪走(edited out)。習語edit out是新聞業的術語,解作剪走或刪除片段。我不常刪減在節目中的發言,但今次我感到我有需要這樣做。mickchug@gmail.com

        Michael Chugani褚簡寧

        中譯:七刻

Source: http://news.stheadline.com/dailynews/headline_news_detail_columnist.asp?id=259449§ion_name=wtt&kw=126

解開暗瘡密碼(上) by 嚴浩

暗瘡與年紀無關,三、四十歲還可以長豆豆。早睡對美容很重要,幾點叫早睡?香港人如果可以十一點上床已經叫「乖寶寶,睡得早,皮膚自然好」。保持皮膚清潔乾爽,戒冷飲、戒垃圾食物、戒油炸與高熱量飲食、戒煙少酒、多蔬果,是沒有暗瘡的先決條件。


把以下的各種方法都列入每天的生活之中:油拔法、布緯食療、服用蒜頭水、少肉多蔬果、適當運動;在這個基礎上,分享一些中醫的診斷和食療方法。


暗瘡長在不同的地方代表不同的生理密碼──


額頭是心的表,額頭上長暗瘡代表工作壓力大、晚睡。


食療:薄荷5克、薰衣草20克、金銀花20克,可以加水煮,也可以放在保溫杯中帶回辦公室,加入滾水,泡半小時出味道後喝,當茶葉喝一天。適合熬夜者,或者壓力引起的焦慮、心火、牙齦腫痛。牙齦腫痛不可以輕視,很容易發展成牙周炎。


市面有一種叫「黃蓮」的中成藥丸子,也適合額頭長暗瘡者,但不適合其他部位長暗瘡的人,服用後可能有反效果。


熬夜的人如果一定要吃宵夜,建議吃這個羹:白木耳、蓮子、紅棗,有幫助清熱退肝火。不可以加白糖,可以加蜜糖。

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18474894&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20131023

籠裏雞,反得好 by 李碧華

本來「籠裏雞作反」,自己人打自己人——不過看這幾天陸續有行會成員、官員、議員、土共……暗示借喻,對689獨斷獨行否決發牌拒絕交代,有點不滿。畫公仔不用畫出腸,光是「避免上身」、「不願背書」,這班友已是政府叛徒了。「自己人」?哈哈哈!連梁粉也上街,平民百姓普羅大眾,十二萬,人數和怒氣一定在689意料之外,眾叛親離的惡果,終有一日飽嚐。終有一日港人踢走你,毋須解釋更不必保密——大家可等到那一天?


其實港人早已不大看電視了,但看不看,我們有自由;看哪台不看哪台,也有選擇。當遊行口號是「我要睇電視!我要有公義!唔要一籃子!」,幾乎把遊客笑死,說什麼東方之珠國際都會?連看電視都不能自主?丟人!香港人最臉紅臉綠的一天——只因一個689,年來我們淪落至此。寄望籠裏雞,為民意為良知(如有)為子孫後代,繼續反反反。助紂為虐為狼作倀,會令祖宗蒙羞。


(撐奮鬥中的港視。忽然省得,咦?好似不見了《頭條新聞》,難道靜雞雞又……馬上打電話問林超榮,他說今季要在十二月,暫未腰斬。以後不知。)

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18474888&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20131023

電梯裏的異味 by 陶傑

電視牌照風暴,出現特區權力階層的互咬:「經濟局長」出來宣佈,一片唾罵之下,說是行政會議的決定。


行政會議召集人說:我們都有不同的建議,但特首是那個力排眾議自我決定的人。


立法會主席看不過眼,說:即使行政會議人人一致反對,特首一人即有權力推翻。


矛頭所指,至為明顯。特首梁振英一巴掌再摑回去:過去的行政長官,從來沒有過不聽行政會議大部分的意見。


一個極其醜陋的決策,就像香港的商場,拖男帶女的自由行和購物的師奶,人來人往之際,地板上忽然出現一堆糞便。是誰排洩的?你推我,我賴你,無人願意承擔。


不發牌給王維基,如果真的合乎「程序公義」,就是一件對社會有益的好事。既然是好事,理應個個出來領功勞。只有人人心裏明白:這是一個如糞便一樣的決策( A shitty policy),才都你推我,我不認是我,不,是你。


或者一幫人擠在電梯裏,忽然有一個無聲的臭屁昇起。彼此你看我,我看你,有女士開始掩鼻,面露厭惡神色。電梯裏的人也沒有一個承認,只盼電梯快點到,開門,各自散去。


本人讀文學出身,文學講究品味,所以十年來,我都不會用糞溺和臭屁做文學的譬喻,因為語文是我的工具,對於我,語文是崇高的,就像一個雕塑家,絕不會在大理石上塗一層黑漬,這是對語文的污瀆(Defecation of Language)。


但是今日不得不破戒,我不會那麼「偏激」,由此而演繹為特區十六年,香港像一部擠擁的電梯,電梯雖然是英國人留下來的機械文明設計,但今日由一個三流的電梯操作員亂按鈕胡亂駕駛之下,又惡化為一個「屁人治港」的超級敗局──不,天可憐見,我怎可以這樣「偏激」呢?所以,Put it this way,將這個專欄,逼出一連串糞溺臭屁的比喻,而且還效果貼切,客觀平和一點講:我認為這也是香港特區政府這個「人民當家作主」的梁班子的一點小小的成就。


梁班子的擠擁電梯裏,屁出現了;香港電視巿場的地板,也赫然有一堆糞便。如果你是林煥光,還有許多英國人教出來、跟本人一樣有教養的人士,不幸擠在電梯裏,遭到異樣甚或鄙視的眼光,又因形格勢禁,無法明言,你也不甘心,雖面對觀眾,但你的咀角下巴,一定朝站在身邊的那個臭屁之王的方向,一努。

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18474886&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20131023

審批權 | 晴報Sky Post‧日日好心情 by 劉天賜

某些立法會議員及團體在報章刊登聯署廣告,指大量內地新移民來港,加重了本港的負擔,要求政府取回單程證的審批權。
這個廣告的主題是:「審批權」。卻有團體批評,這是歧視新移民的言論,計劃向平機會投訴。平機會主席周一嶽表示:關注事件,認為如有關言論涉嫌歧視新移民,應予以譴責。
此乃官腔!審批放人及接納人都是權力問題。如是移民,一般都是由接受移民的地方審批。來港的優才,是誰審批?來港的尖子學生,又是誰批?這都是明證吧。
內地來港的單程證人士,政治正確地說,並非「移民」,申請改戶籍地方而已。如此,則原居地便有權力審批,准不准離家別井去,而不理會所去之地方是否構成負擔了。可是香港乃特別行政區,則有特殊地位,有特殊方法處理。正因為是香港,內地政府宜分擔移戶人口審批權,一方不批,則不成事。又,建議不該構成歧視。

Source: http://www.skypost.hk/column/劉天賜/007010001002/%E5%AF%A9%E6%89%B9%E6%AC%8A/114498