2013年9月5日 星期四

9月18日,聯儲出手嗎? by 陶冬

  「各就各位,1…2…2.5…」

 

  當你站在起跑線前,發令員喊出上面的口令,你是跑還是不跑?聯儲於9月18日,在tapering(減少放水)啟動上發出的可能就是「2.5」而不是「3」的口令。

 

  被大肆渲染的、曾經誘發市場大幅震盪的QE減碼時間日漸逼近。美國的經濟數據突然轉弱,國會設置的債務上限即將觸頂。在出招前的一刻,聯邦儲備局開始為是否按時啟動減少購債計劃而躊躇,市場也開始有所懷疑。美國貨幣當局到底會不會於9月18日扣動扳機,揭開退出QE的大幕?

 

  筆者認為,聯儲十有八九會選擇按計劃推出QE減碼計劃。

 

  首先,經過一輪熙攘和市場動盪,tapering已經深入人心,並被反映在資本價格上,聯儲此時踩煞車,其世界第一央行的信用勢必受損,市場也可能再次陷入動盪。再者,聯儲內部鴿派、鷹派均要求退出,國會內類似呼聲也強烈,踩煞車的政治後果、人事後果難以預料。最後,tapering的窗口很快會關閉,如果九月會議不作動作,以後困難更大。10月份會議(10月29、30日)恰逢債務上限,伯南克接任人選也差不多出爐。12月份會議(12月17、18日)太近聖誕節,聯儲傳統上很少在那時推出新政策。1月份會議(1月28、29日)已至伯南克卸任前夜。聯儲之後幾次會議,看來對tapering來說均非黃道吉日,逼著伯南克早做動作,一旦經濟或市場反應強烈,阿伯還有補救的時間。

 

  但是經濟數據(尤其是住房數據)突然轉弱,又使決策者心懷懸念。伯南克此時退出,就是試圖為身後留下清名,萬一處置不當,有可能留下的是駡名。所以在退出力度上,決策層必然酌情減量,走溫和路線,同時利用出口術來安撫市場情緒,儘量避免經濟衰退或市場震盪。

 

  綜合上述理由,筆者預言聯儲於9月18日正式啟動tapering,但是減碼規模縮小。兩個月前市場估計每月850億美元的購債計劃可能被砍一半(即減至450億),現在看來大約減少200億(即改為聯儲每月購國債350億,MBS300億)。MBS債的發行規模已經大幅下降,此幅度的減債相信對經濟與房市的影響有限。

 

  同時聯儲會出言安撫市場,強調tapering(減少放水)和tightening(收水)完全不同,低利率環境還會在相當長時間內維持。聯儲甚至可能將QE退出的數值目標(如失業率等)放寬,降低QE退出第一個動作的衝擊性。

 

  經過四年有餘的放水,美國貨幣政策即將出現拐點,這對全球的流動性環境可能帶來深遠的影響,但是第一個動作估計相當地溫和。

 

  本文原載於今周刊,為個人觀點,並非投資建議或勸誘。



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/wealth/taodong/19791

懷念朱鎔基 by 岑逸飛

  香港大學的民意研究計劃,在上月中及月底,分別以隨機抽樣訪問約1000人,在10名最為市民熟悉的兩岸政治人物中,朱鎔基得71.9分排首位,其次是溫家寶及胡錦濤。台灣的馬英九排第4,國家主席習近平排第5,至於總理李克強排第10。資料顯示,其中一次民調,是在重慶前市委書記薄熙來案審理期間進行。

 

  朱鎔基進入官場前,是清華大學管理學院院長,1987年擔任上海市市長,主持浦東新區的發展。91年擔任國務院副總理﹔92年14大當選為政治局常委﹔93年兼任中國人民銀行行長,在任期間採取強硬措施,有效控制中國金融秩序﹔98年出任國務院總理,主持中國金融與貨幣秩序控制、國家機構精簡、國有企業改革以及打擊貪污犯罪等,包括陳希同及遠華走私案。他於2003年3月卸任後,生活低調,已甚少出席公開活動。

 

  最近筆者讀了由龍安志撰寫的《朱鎔基傳─朱鎔基與現代中國的轉型》一書,得悉朱鎔基的平步青雲,在於他開發浦東的經濟理念,得到鄧小平的賞識。朱鎔基擔任上海市長和市委書記時,正值中國經濟改革重心從農村轉向城市,經濟轉軌處於關鍵時期,上海遇到的考驗尤為艱巨,但朱鎔基頂住了「姓社姓資」的責難,大膽推進改革開放,打開了上海的新局面。

 

  龍安志是何許人也﹖他是美國人,英文名是Laurence J.Brahm,1981年剛20歲時就來到中國,並在中國長期生活和工作,成為一個社會活動家、國際危機調停人、政治經濟學家和作家,寫了超過與中國有關的二十多本書籍。

 

  龍安志在《朱鎔基傳》一書,描述了朱鎔基以非凡勇氣擔當起中國向市場經濟轉型的艱巨工程,他形容為「受管理的市場化」,再造中國的金融系統,引導中國平穩渡過亞洲金融危機,打破「鐵飯碗」,重組國有企業,精簡各級政府機構,保持了中國經濟平穩快速的增長。

 

  縱觀朱鎔基在上世紀九十年代主政中國經濟的表現,壯志凌雲,出任總理時揚言:「不管前面是地雷陣還是萬丈深淵,我都將一往無前,義無反顧,鞠躬盡瘁,死而後已」。事實上,他當時扮演的角色有如救火隊長,從清理三角債(指企業間的拖欠貨款所形成的連鎖債務體系)到經濟軟著陸﹔從整頓金融秩序到分稅制,他都施展了渾身解數。但畢竟他只能在一個既定的政治舞台上發功,許多根深蒂固的體制問題他是無能為力的。

 

  在朱鎔基掌管中國經濟的最後幾年,各種社會問題如嚴重失業、貧富分化、貪腐失控、農民貧困等,已相繼出現,在中國經濟奇跡上投下陰影。當然,這不全是他的錯,但他已察覺到束手無策,舉步為艱,所以早在卸任前幾年(2000年),他在記者招待會上已慨嘆:「我只希望在我卸任後,全國人民說一句,他是一個清官,不是貪官,我就很滿意了。」

 

  無論如何,朱鎔基絕對肯定是個清官。在查出陳希同貪腐案後,他的名言是:「反腐敗要先打老虎後打狼,對老虎絕不能姑息養奸,準備好一百口棺材,也有我的一口,無非是個同歸於盡…」。香港人懷念他,大概因為香港自成立廉政公署後,港人有反貪情結,對貪腐深惡痛絕!

 



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/internationalaffairs/culture/19798

India’s Falling Economic Tide Exposes Its Chronic Troubles - NYTimes.com by Keith Bradsher

MUMBAI — India had seemed tantalizingly close to embarking on the same dash for economic growth that has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in China and across East Asia.

Its economy now stands in disarray, with the prospect of worse to come in the next few months.

Vinod Vanigota, a Mumbai wholesaler of imported computer hard drives, said sales dropped by a quarter in the last two weeks. The rupee, India’s currency, has been so volatile in recent days that he began revising his price lists every half-hour.

Business activity at Chip Com Traders, where he is the managing director and co-owner, has slowed so sharply that trucking companies plead for business. “One of the companies called today and said, ‘Don’t you have a parcel of any sort for us to deliver today?' ” Mr. Vanigota said.

The economic decline has laid bare chronic problems, little remarked upon during the recent boom. An antiquated infrastructure, a sclerotic job market, exorbitant real estate costs and bloated state-owned enterprises never allowed manufacturing, especially manufacturing for export, to grow strong.

The rupee fell further and faster in August against the dollar than any of the world’s 77 other internationally traded currencies as investors in affluent countries took their money home for higher returns. It was down 20 percent since May, a period in which the stock market followed suit and fell almost 8 percent.

The real estate market is teetering after soaring to vertiginous heights over the last few years. Cranes on Mumbai’s skyline perch nearly immobilized as developers struggle for cash.

The things the emerging middle class coveted, Chevrolets, iPhones and foreign vacations, have all jumped sharply in price in recent weeks.

The price increases threaten to worsen consumer price inflation — already among the highest in Asia at an annual rate of almost 10 percent — and widen the country’s already large international trade deficit and government budget deficit.

India’s government is now bracing the country for a swift increase in the price of diesel fuel and other imported necessities priced in dollars. Diesel is the lifeblood of the Indian economy, from the trucks that crawl along the country’s jammed, potholed roads to the backyard generators that struggle to compensate for the high-cost yet unreliable electricity grid.

Some economists say that they hope India will have only a V-shaped economic downturn, with a rebound starting by early next year if a weak rupee rejuvenates India’s struggling exporters.

“India is not Greece — we never binged on debt on a grand scale,” said Ajay Shah, a prominent economist at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy in New Delhi.

The root of the problem is India’s failure to creative a vibrant industrial base with the strength to export. As Western buyers scour Asia for alternatives to increasingly expensive Chinese factories, India and its enfeebled manufacturing sector are mostly ignored.

Soeb Z. Bandukwala, a managing director of Ansons Electro Mechanical Works, a maker of water pumps and electric motors, wonders how a recovery can arrive, given India’s structural problems. He runs a business that has been in his family since 1967 and has grown to four factories.

Yet he keeps each factory at fewer than 50 workers and has maintained some metal grinding machines and other equipment in use since the 1970s without replacement. His worry is that if he exceeds 50 workers or surpasses certain benchmarks for total investment, he will become subject to extensive labor legislation.

“There is a fear, and the fear is the labor laws,” said Mr. Bandukwala, who is also a regional leader in the Confederation of Indian Industry.

Infrastructure is also a problem. Ansons is only 35 miles from the port through which it exports machinery to Europe. Yet trucks require four to seven hours to reach the port because promised expressways have never been built.

Speeds barely faster than walking at least help protect pumps and motors from harm. “If the speed is greater, damage will take place because of the potholes,” Mr. Bandukwala said.

Poor infrastructure has also driven up costs for industrial real estate in India, which are high compared with China’s. Just in the last five years, China has opened 5,800 miles of high-speed rail routes and 400,000 miles of highways of two or more lanes. That has allowed tens of thousands of factories to move to smaller towns in the interior with much lower land costs.

India has been unable to open up its interior the same way, building half as many miles of highways over the same period and no high-speed rail routes. At the same time, rent control and other land regulations make it extremely difficult to tear down and replace even the most dilapidated buildings.

So cities like Mumbai have ended up with dozens of square miles of mold-stained, low-rise buildings with spots of bright green fungus, interspersed by the occasional skyscrapers that were somehow built. Remote, outer fringes of factories and office buildings have sprouted on what was once farmland.

The acute shortage of real estate less than a day’s drive from ports has produced steep real estate prices and rents. Challenge Overseas, a trousers manufacturer, paid $1.3 million five years ago to buy the 20,000-square-foot top floor of a decrepit, four-story factory building with blocked fire escapes on a muddy alley on the outskirts of Mumbai, and sold it for $2.7 million last month. The floor underneath, the company’s 60-employee factory, sold for $410,000 in 2003 and is now valued at $1.2 million.

Roads and bridges to inland towns are not the only infrastructure problem. Shakti Industries, which thins and cuts aluminum wires for jewelry manufacturers, pays the equivalent of 15 to 18 cents per kilowatt-hour for electricity. In China, even after a round of price increases coming in late September to pay for more clean energy, factory owners will pay half as much.

Shakti has only seven employees. Yet it is regulated by more than a dozen government agencies, each of which sends a separate inspector each year before issuing licenses for this as diverse as electricity use and water pollution. Many of the inspectors demand bribes, said Vipul S. Kamani, the managing director of Shakti.

High real estate and electricity costs leave businesses with very little money to pay workers and remain competitive in the global markets for garments and other manufactured goods.

Arun Prajapati, 21, a migrant worker at a fabric fusing machine at Challenge, said that he earned about $100 a month, just a fifth of what Chinese workers earn these days.

He pays $9 a month for rent and electricity for his sleeping space on the floor of a 10-foot-by-10-foot room that he shares with five other migrant workers in a nearby shanty. He spends $38 a month for a subsistence diet of roti bread, lentils and, once a week, some chicken or eggs. He sends his meager savings to his widowed mother in their home village in central India.

“With expenses rising each month, things are only getting harder and harder,” he said. “I am just trying to get through life.”

One private sector industrial giant that bet heavily on an economic takeoff in India is the Essar Group, based in Mumbai. In the last five years it has invested nearly $18 billion to build one of the world’s largest refineries and one of the world’s biggest steel mills in northwestern India while tripling capacity at its ports and quadrupling the output of its power plants.

But the company now plans to collect income from these projects instead of building more, and it is even selling three steel-related businesses to pay down debt.

Haseeb A. Drabu, a former government economic planner and bank chairman who is now Essar’s chief economic adviser, said that at Essar and across India, “I don’t see any fresh wave of investment.”



Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/05/business/global/indias-falling-economic-tide-exposes-its-chronic-troubles.html?n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/B/Bradsher,%20Keith?ref=keithbradsher&pagewanted=print

無題 by 石鏡泉

  今日文章無題,因為是百分百轉錄《金融街》網站,一個叫「金話題第289期」的文章。該文有個題,叫《李嘉誠緣何「變心」了?》人家文章既已有題,我文自然無題,亦無任何評語,要評,自家評。

 

  被譽為「超人」的李嘉誠,近期一系列減持中資項目引來外界諸多猜測,「逃離香港入駐海外」的傳言喧囂至上。而翻閱長江實業及和記黃埔的半年報發現,其已經半年未在內地拿地,「撤資內地轉戰歐洲」的輪廓已經愈發清晰。

 

  李嘉誠缺錢?這是個天大的笑話。但李嘉誠為甚麼要拋棄香港大本營,轉投歐洲的懷抱?

 

李嘉誠首先是個商人

 

  最近一個多月的時間裏,李嘉誠旗下的長江實業以及和記黃埔便相繼宣告或將拋售百佳超市、上海陸家嘴東方匯經中心OFC寫字樓和廣州西城都薈廣場和停車場,涉及金額約為390億港元。

 

  與此同時,李嘉誠大舉在歐洲收購資產,僅2013年上半年,就完成四宗海外併購共耗資248.7億港元。一個典型的例子是,李澤鉅在此前不久斥資77.53億港元,收購了英國天然氣供應商WWU,收購後,他將控制英國天然氣近三成的市場。而因為之前還收購了英國電網和供水網絡兩大業務,英國媒體稱李澤鉅「幾乎買下了英國」。

 

  一時間,李嘉誠家族被推上輿論的風口浪尖,市場上各種猜測此起彼伏。從李嘉誠大手筆的動作來看,資產大騰挪的輪廓愈發清晰,但在香港翻雲覆雨的「超人」,為甚麼會離開香港乃至內地,轉投歐洲市場?

 

  有人說,李嘉誠嫌棄內地市場愛歐洲。話糙理不糙。李嘉誠眼光毒辣,馳騁商界幾十年屹立不倒,堪稱「常青樹」。此番買歐洲資產、賣香港和內地資產,低買高賣,無非是看中了其間商機。

 

  李嘉誠認為,現在歐洲的資產處於低位階段,內地和香港是高位,減持高位資產,增持低位資產,符合李家的投資理念。「李嘉誠拋售內地、香港部分資產,是加大海外投資的關鍵一步。」深圳某PE合夥人表示。

 

  資本逐利,李嘉誠首先是個商人。

 

玩轉政商關係是根本

 

  從李嘉誠的投資節奏可以看出,香港乃至內地的投資環境已然發生變化,對資金的吸引力不斷下降。李嘉誠撤資或許與中國經濟下滑,房地產泡沫將崩盤有關。相反,歐洲經濟正是百廢待興的時機,資產價格處於低位,此時進行投資,未來必將獲得高收益。

 

  然而,在商言商只是理想的商業環境。作為商界領袖的李嘉誠此番動作,除了經濟利益之外,更有深層次的考量——政商關係。李嘉誠作為頂端商人,一貫政治經濟嗅覺靈敏,他是否已經預料到未來的政治動向和經濟前途了?

 

  李嘉誠家族長期壟斷著香港電力、通訊等基礎領域,「李嘉誠,名副其實,香港就是李家的城。」一名小學生在作文中戲稱香港其實是李嘉誠的「李家城」。李嘉誠也因此受到了指摘,但他當然不是因為香港人不願看到其壟斷才轉戰歐洲的,這其中有著利益的追逐,也有著政治的考量。

 

  吳敬璉批評,中國目前行政干預的廣泛存在和國有經濟對制高點的控制已經愈發尖銳,中國已經到了一個如果不全面地推進各項改革就會引發嚴重經濟和政治問題的一個關鍵歷史機遇和關節點上。

 

  內地的政商環境急劇惡化,迫使有選擇的企業火速逃離。而李嘉誠作為港商,同時撤資內地和香港也有港府的因素,部分市場人士解讀為是向香港回歸後惡化的商業環境,以及特首梁振英表示不滿。再者,李嘉誠商業帝國的轉移何嘗不是狙擊政治對手的利器。

 

  李嘉誠曾給自己定下八字戒律「少出風頭,不談政治」,事實上,懂得「不談政治」的人,才是最懂政商的。李嘉誠對於政商關係的領悟,值得內地企業家們學習。

 

*編者按:本文只供參考之用,並不構成要約、招攬或邀請、誘使、任何不論種類或形式之申述或訂立任何建議及推薦,讀者務請運用個人獨立思考能力自行作出投資決定,如因相關建議招致損失,概與《經濟通通訊社》、《晴報》、編者及作者無涉。


 
轉載自晴報

 



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/wealth/arthurshek/19790

企業成敗在優化人才 by 王維基

  今天仍然談人才優化計劃,這計劃決定了一間企業的成敗。若一間公司只會容許員工辭職,但卻不會要求同事離職的話,公司生態必定不會健康。試想一下,甚麼同事有能力轉工跳槽呢?表現較優勝,對自己、對公司都較有要求的人,才能吸引其他公司,以更優厚的條件挖角。日子久了,優秀員工不斷流失,一些表現好而又忠心的員工會留下,但公司亦會充斥一些戰鬥力較弱的同事。久而久之,公司整體的競爭力逐漸下降。

 

  另外,要管理層對出生入死多年的好兄弟下手,其實心裏亦不好受。畢竟管理層都是人,也會投入感情,即使手足表現多不理想,也不忍辭退他們。若真的要對共事多年的同事開刀,又要顧慮別人的看法,怕人說我「無情」。公司下令執行人才優化計劃,將會是管理層最好的理由,進行換血。否則,即使遇上不合格的員工,管理層亦怕旁人說是說非,寧願忍讓。若對自己管轄的部門下手,被辭退的同事或許會感到不服,認為另一部門的同事表現更差。這正解釋了,計劃必須在全公司執行的原因,就是穩住公平性。

 

  要實行人才優化計劃,首要就是釐定清晰、客觀的評核準則。

 

轉載自晴報



Source: http://lifestyle.etnet.com.hk/column/index.php/internationalaffairs/rickywong/19788

India’s New Central Bank Leader May Have a Short Honeymoon - NYTimes.com by Keith Bradsher

MUMBAI, India — Indian newspapers have been gushing about the incoming governor of the central bank, Raghuram Rajan, in terms usually reserved for Bollywood film stars: his trim physique, his long-distance running, even his “rather photogenic appeal,” as The Mumbai Mirror tabloid wrote this week.

This may not last long.

Mr. Rajan, 50, took charge on Wednesday of the Reserve Bank of India, which has tried and failed to stop the steep decline of the rupee against the dollar. India’s chronic inflation is almost certain to move higher in the coming months, given the country’s heavy dependence on imported oil priced in dollars. The stock market is plunging as economic activity slows by the day.

Yet unlike Ben S. Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, Mr. Rajan has very little political independence in his new job. Some of the biggest problems bedeviling the Indian economy are beyond his control, like the trade and government budget deficits and the crippling shortage of roads and other infrastructure.

All of his policy options carry big risks that could antagonize large sectors of the public, who will soon forget the rapturous accounts of his athleticism and charm.

“Any entrant to the central bank governorship probably starts at the height of their popularity,” Mr. Rajan said at a news conference early Wednesday evening. “Some of the actions I take will not be popular. The governorship of the central bank is not meant to win one votes or Facebook ‘likes.' ”

Mr. Rajan, a University of Chicago finance professor, used his initial news conference to announce a long list of financial deregulatory measures that he plans in the coming weeks and months. These included issuing more licenses for new banks, making it easier for banks to open branches across the country and gradually lowering the percentage of assets that banks must hold in government securities – three steps aimed at increasing competition in India’s banking sector, long seen by critics as a clubby, cautious industry reluctant to lend to small and medium-size businesses or farmers.

The most immediate question facing Mr. Rajan, a former chief economist for the International Monetary Fund whose most recent job has been as chief economic adviser to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, lies in how to halt the fall of the rupee. He said nothing on Wednesday evening about monetary policy, deferring the subject to a statement to be issued on Sept. 20.

Currency market intervention by the Reserve Bank has helped limit the rupee’s losses this week, and it even gained 0.94 percent on Wednesday, to 67.09 to the dollar. But the rupee’s slide through the summer and its continued weakness has fostered speculation in financial markets that Mr. Rajan might raise short-term interest rates in his first week in office.

A sliding currency pushes up inflation. An inflation-fighting central banker could raise interest rates. Higher rates would make investment in India more attractive to foreign and domestic money managers who have been hustling to move money out of the country. It could help curb inflation, already approaching 10 percent even before the full effect of rising import prices is felt in the coming weeks.

But with the economy already growing at its slowest pace since the worst of the global financial crisis in early 2009, India’s business establishment is fiercely opposed to any increases in interest rates. The Confederation of Indian Industry, the country’s most prominent business coalition, reiterated on Tuesday its call for the Reserve Bank of India to cut short-term interest rates by a full percentage point.

“The last thing you want is to choke off any hope of growth by raising” the benchmark interest rate, said Omkar Goswami, the chairman of CERG Advisory, a consulting firm based in Delhi, and an independent director of Indian companies like Infosys, a big outsourcing company, and IDFC, a financial conglomerate.

Mr. Rajan has a few longer-term options. The Indian government could issue dollar-denominated bonds or seek a loan from his former colleagues at the I.M.F. Either step would replenish and expand the Reserve Bank’s supply of foreign exchange for further currency market intervention if the rupee started tumbling again.

But it is not going to be solely his call. In contrast with the political independence of the Federal Reserve or the European Central Bank, the Reserve Bank of India, headquartered here since before the country’s independence from Britain in 1947, is required by law to consult closely and take direction from the government in New Delhi.

Sometimes the government is unusually open, at least by Western standards, in pushing around the Reserve Bank. In late April, a top adviser to Mr. Singh, the prime minister, said publicly that there was a “case for R.B.I. to cut interest rate” policy, and added,” I think we have a case for stronger growth.”

The adviser who made the remarks was Mr. Rajan. The Reserve Bank of India took action that resulted in the rupee slowly sliding. It has fallen every month since then.

Less than three weeks after the Reserve Bank acted, on May 22, Mr. Bernanke told Congress that the Fed could start reducing its asset purchases in the coming months. The suggestion that the Fed might buy fewer bonds resulted in a drop in bond prices, pushing up yields, and prompting international investors to begin shifting money out of emerging markets like India and into the United States.

India’s leaders appear to have been taken by surprise. Mr. Rajan and other leading policy makers had been framing the national discussion over interest rate policy in terms of whether the Reserve Bank should keep rates fairly high to fight inflation or start cutting them to rekindle economic growth.

“The R.B.I. did not have a view on what the Fed would do,” said Madan Sabnavis, the chief economist of Care Ratings, a big Indian credit ratings agency headquartered in New Delhi.

As investors began pulling large sums of money out of India, the Reserve Bank effectively reversed course in mid-July and began tightening monetary policy. But it did so in a face-saving way that attracted little attention outside of India — raising the cost for banks to borrow money.

Faced with double-digit borrowing costs, banks began cutting back on lending, which has hurt many businesses in India and contributed to a further slowing of the economy.

Mr. Rajan’s supporters said he should not be blamed for putting pressure on the Reserve Bank in late April to reduce interest rates. They said he was only voicing a widely held view in the government at the time that inflation was beginning to recede.

Mr. Rajan said on Wednesday evening that he would not discuss past monetary policy decisions.

Like many central bankers, Mr. Rajan leans toward putting a greater emphasis on reducing inflation and is reluctant to risk higher inflation for the sake of short-term increases in economic growth, people who know him said. Mr. Rajan seemed to confirm that at his news conference early Wednesday evening, when he emphasized the importance of price stability and low inflation.

Mr. Rajan also has a history of skepticism about financial deregulation, having warned in a paper in 2005 that financial innovations had made credit markets more risky and could prompt a financial crisis.

That was not a popular view at the time. Lawrence H. Summers, the former Treasury secretary , now said to be the chief candidate to lead the Fed, publicly described Mr. Rajan’s paper then as “slightly Luddite” and “largely misguided.”



Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/05/business/global/indias-new-central-bank-leader-may-have-a-short-honeymoon.html?n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/B/Bradsher,%20Keith?ref=keithbradsher&pagewanted=print

七 天 天 氣 預 報@香 港 天 文 台 於 2013 年 09 月 05 日 05 時 45 分 發 出 之 天 氣 報 告 by HKO

七 天 天 氣 預 報

天 氣 概 況 :
一 道 低 壓 槽 會 在 今 天 徘 徊 在 廣 東 沿 岸 及 南 海 北 部 , 
並 為 該 區 帶 來 不 穩 定 天 氣 。 隨 著 副 熱 帶 高 壓 脊 於 未 
來 數 天 向 西 伸 展 , 華 南 地 區 將 會 轉 晴 。 

九 月 五 日 ( 星 期 四 )
風   : 東 至 東 南 風 4 至 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 多 雲 , 間 中 有 雨 。 
氣 溫 : 24 至 27 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 80 至 100 。

九 月 六 日 ( 星 期 五 )
風   : 東 風 4 至 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 有 幾 陣 驟 雨 , 日 間 短 暫 時 間 有 陽 光 。 
氣 溫 : 26 至 29 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 75 至 90 。

九 月 七 日 ( 星 期 六 )
風   : 東 風 4 級 , 間 中 5 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 , 但 局 部 地 區 有 驟 雨 。 
氣 溫 : 26 至 31 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 65 至 90 。

九 月 八 日 ( 星 期 日 )
風   : 東 風 3 至 4 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 。 
氣 溫 : 26 至 31 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 60 至 85 。

九 月 九 日 ( 星 期 一 )
風   : 東 風 3 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 。 
氣 溫 : 26 至 31 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 60 至 85 。

九 月 十 日 ( 星 期 二 )
風   : 東 風 2 至 3 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 , 但 局 部 地 區 有 驟 雨 。 
氣 溫 : 27 至 31 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 65 至 90 。

九 月 十 一 日 ( 星 期 三 )
風   : 東 風 2 至 3 級 。 
天 氣 : 大 致 天 晴 , 但 局 部 地 區 有 驟 雨 。 
氣 溫 : 27 至 31 度 。
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 65 至 90 。

9 月 4 日 下 午 二 時 北 角  錄 得 之 海 水 溫 度 為 26 度 。
9 月 4 日 上 午 七 時 天 文 台  錄 得 之 土 壤 溫 度 為 :
0.5 米 28.8 度 ;
1.0 米 29.1 度 。

七 天 天 氣 預 報 插 圖
第 一 天 插 圖 編 號 63 - 雨 
第 二 天 插 圖 編 號 54 - 短 暫 陽 光 , 有 驟 雨 
第 三 天 插 圖 編 號 53 - 間 有 陽 光 , 幾 陣 驟 雨 
第 四 天 插 圖 編 號 51 - 間 有 陽 光 
第 五 天 插 圖 編 號 51 - 間 有 陽 光 
第 六 天 插 圖 編 號 53 - 間 有 陽 光 , 幾 陣 驟 雨 
第 七 天 插 圖 編 號 53 - 間 有 陽 光 , 幾 陣 驟 雨 

天氣報告@香 港 天 文 台 於 2013 年 09 月 05 日 7 時 02 分 發 出 之 天 氣 報 告 by HKO

上 午 7 時 天 文 台 錄 得:
氣 溫 : 24 度
相 對 濕 度 : 百 分 之 98 
天 氣 插 圖: 編 號 63 - 雨 

  
本 港 其 他 地 區 的 氣 溫 :

京 士 柏              24 度 ,
黃 竹 坑              26 度 ,
打 鼓 嶺              24 度 ,
流 浮 山              23 度 ,
大 埔                 25 度 ,
沙 田                 25 度 ,
屯 門                 24 度 ,
將 軍 澳              25 度 ,
西 貢                 26 度 ,
長 洲                 25 度 ,
赤 鱲 角              26 度 ,
青 衣                 25 度 ,
石 崗                 25 度 ,
荃 灣 可 觀           23 度 ,
荃 灣 城 門 谷        25 度 ,
香 港 公 園           24 度 ,
筲 箕 灣              25 度 ,
九 龍 城              25 度 ,
跑 馬 地              25 度 ,
黃 大 仙              25 度 ,
赤 柱                 26 度 ,
觀 塘                 25 度 ,
深 水 埗              25 度 。

上 午 5 時 45 分  至 6 時 45 分  , 各 區 錄 得 最 高 雨 量 如 下 :

南 區           4 毫 米 , 
東 區           2 毫 米 。 

India’s New Central Bank Leader May Have a Short Honeymoon - NYTimes.com by Keith Bradsher

MUMBAI, India — Indian newspapers have been gushing about the incoming governor of the central bank, Raghuram Rajan, in terms usually reserved for Bollywood film stars: his trim physique, his long-distance running, even his “rather photogenic appeal,” as The Mumbai Mirror tabloid wrote this week.

This may not last long.

Mr. Rajan, 50, took charge on Wednesday of the Reserve Bank of India, which has tried and failed to stop the steep decline of the rupee against the dollar. India’s chronic inflation is almost certain to move higher in the coming months, given the country’s heavy dependence on imported oil priced in dollars. The stock market is plunging as economic activity slows by the day.

Yet unlike Ben S. Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, Mr. Rajan has very little political independence in his new job. Some of the biggest problems bedeviling the Indian economy are beyond his control, like the trade and government budget deficits and the crippling shortage of roads and other infrastructure.

All of his policy options carry big risks that could antagonize large sectors of the public, who will soon forget the rapturous accounts of his athleticism and charm.

“Any entrant to the central bank governorship probably starts at the height of their popularity,” Mr. Rajan said at a news conference early Wednesday evening. “Some of the actions I take will not be popular. The governorship of the central bank is not meant to win one votes or Facebook ‘likes.' ”

Mr. Rajan, a University of Chicago finance professor, used his initial news conference to announce a long list of financial deregulatory measures that he plans in the coming weeks and months. These included issuing more licenses for new banks, making it easier for banks to open branches across the country and gradually lowering the percentage of assets that banks must hold in government securities – three steps aimed at increasing competition in India’s banking sector, long seen by critics as a clubby, cautious industry reluctant to lend to small and medium-size businesses or farmers.

The most immediate question facing Mr. Rajan, a former chief economist for the International Monetary Fund whose most recent job has been as chief economic adviser to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, lies in how to halt the fall of the rupee. He said nothing on Wednesday evening about monetary policy, deferring the subject to a statement to be issued on Sept. 20.

Currency market intervention by the Reserve Bank has helped limit the rupee’s losses this week, and it even gained 0.94 percent on Wednesday, to 67.09 to the dollar. But the rupee’s slide through the summer and its continued weakness has fostered speculation in financial markets that Mr. Rajan might raise short-term interest rates in his first week in office.

A sliding currency pushes up inflation. An inflation-fighting central banker could raise interest rates. Higher rates would make investment in India more attractive to foreign and domestic money managers who have been hustling to move money out of the country. It could help curb inflation, already approaching 10 percent even before the full effect of rising import prices is felt in the coming weeks.

But with the economy already growing at its slowest pace since the worst of the global financial crisis in early 2009, India’s business establishment is fiercely opposed to any increases in interest rates. The Confederation of Indian Industry, the country’s most prominent business coalition, reiterated on Tuesday its call for the Reserve Bank of India to cut short-term interest rates by a full percentage point.

“The last thing you want is to choke off any hope of growth by raising” the benchmark interest rate, said Omkar Goswami, the chairman of CERG Advisory, a consulting firm based in Delhi, and an independent director of Indian companies like Infosys, a big outsourcing company, and IDFC, a financial conglomerate.

Mr. Rajan has a few longer-term options. The Indian government could issue dollar-denominated bonds or seek a loan from his former colleagues at the I.M.F. Either step would replenish and expand the Reserve Bank’s supply of foreign exchange for further currency market intervention if the rupee started tumbling again.

But it is not going to be solely his call. In contrast with the political independence of the Federal Reserve or the European Central Bank, the Reserve Bank of India, headquartered here since before the country’s independence from Britain in 1947, is required by law to consult closely and take direction from the government in New Delhi.

Sometimes the government is unusually open, at least by Western standards, in pushing around the Reserve Bank. In late April, a top adviser to Mr. Singh, the prime minister, said publicly that there was a “case for R.B.I. to cut interest rate” policy, and added,” I think we have a case for stronger growth.”

The adviser who made the remarks was Mr. Rajan. The Reserve Bank of India took action that resulted in the rupee slowly sliding. It has fallen every month since then.

Less than three weeks after the Reserve Bank acted, on May 22, Mr. Bernanke told Congress that the Fed could start reducing its asset purchases in the coming months. The suggestion that the Fed might buy fewer bonds resulted in a drop in bond prices, pushing up yields, and prompting international investors to begin shifting money out of emerging markets like India and into the United States.

India’s leaders appear to have been taken by surprise. Mr. Rajan and other leading policy makers had been framing the national discussion over interest rate policy in terms of whether the Reserve Bank should keep rates fairly high to fight inflation or start cutting them to rekindle economic growth.

“The R.B.I. did not have a view on what the Fed would do,” said Madan Sabnavis, the chief economist of Care Ratings, a big Indian credit ratings agency headquartered in New Delhi.

As investors began pulling large sums of money out of India, the Reserve Bank effectively reversed course in mid-July and began tightening monetary policy. But it did so in a face-saving way that attracted little attention outside of India — raising the cost for banks to borrow money.

Faced with double-digit borrowing costs, banks began cutting back on lending, which has hurt many businesses in India and contributed to a further slowing of the economy.

Mr. Rajan’s supporters said he should not be blamed for putting pressure on the Reserve Bank in late April to reduce interest rates. They said he was only voicing a widely held view in the government at the time that inflation was beginning to recede.

Mr. Rajan said on Wednesday evening that he would not discuss past monetary policy decisions.

Like many central bankers, Mr. Rajan leans toward putting a greater emphasis on reducing inflation and is reluctant to risk higher inflation for the sake of short-term increases in economic growth, people who know him said. Mr. Rajan seemed to confirm that at his news conference early Wednesday evening, when he emphasized the importance of price stability and low inflation.

Mr. Rajan also has a history of skepticism about financial deregulation, having warned in a paper in 2005 that financial innovations had made credit markets more risky and could prompt a financial crisis.

That was not a popular view at the time. Lawrence H. Summers, the former Treasury secretary , now said to be the chief candidate to lead the Fed, publicly described Mr. Rajan’s paper then as “slightly Luddite” and “largely misguided.”



Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/05/business/global/indias-new-central-bank-leader-may-have-a-short-honeymoon.html?n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/B/Bradsher,%20Keith?ref=keithbradsher&pagewanted=print

頭條日報 頭條網 - control my rage by Michael Chugani

Something happened to me last week that made me ashamed of being a Hong Kong person. I was lining up (queuing up) at the Shenzhen railway station to buy a ticket. A Hong Kong man was in front of me. When it was almost his turn to buy a ticket he yelled (shouted loudly) to two of his friends who were in other, more slow-moving (moving slowly) lines, to join him. Then three rowdy (noisy, rough and disorderly) men, who had just arrived at the station, also joined him. So, instead of having to wait for one person to buy a ticket before it was my turn, I had to wait for six.

        I almost yelled "what the f..k" to them but decided to hold my tongue. We were in Shenzhen, not Hong Kong. I did not know how the mainland police would handle it if the six rowdy men turned violent if I scolded them for queue-jumping. I have heard many shocking stories of corrupt mainland police detaining people for days for minor incidents. Besides, I have been trying hard lately not to lose my temper. Hong Kong people always criticize mainlanders for jumping queues. But the six men I saw did the same thing on the mainland. It made me livid (extremely angry) but I controlled my rage (uncontrollable anger).

        The expression "hold my tongue" means to try hard not to say anything even though I want to. I sometimes see people jump the queue by joining a friend or relative in a line. But this was the first time I saw five people joining one person lining up. Proper queuing is part of a civilized society. But I often see Hong Kong people in supermarkets jump the queue when another check-out counter opens by rushing to that counter. This often results in people who were last in line becoming first in line at the next counter. In the US, where I have lived for many years, the cashier (person who handles payments) who opens up another counter would always ask the next person in line to come to that counter. Hong Kong should learn this civilized rule.

        ****

        上星期發生了些事,令我以身為香港人為恥。我正於深圳鐵路站排隊(lining up)買票,有一個香港男人排在我前面。差不多到他買票的時候,他呼喊(yelled)叫他的兩位朋友過來,他們在另一條移動得較緩慢(slow-moving)的隊中。然後再有三個剛剛到達車站的粗暴(rowdy)男人與他會合。於是,本來只需要等一個的我,現在要等六個人才可買到票。

        我差點要向他們大聲斥喝(yelled)"what the f..k"(「他媽的甚麼回事」),但決定勒緊舌頭(hold my tongue)。我們正身處深圳而不是香港。要是這六個無賴(rowdy)的男人因為我指責他們插隊而變得狂暴,我不曉得內地公安會怎樣處理。我曾聽說過不少駭人聽聞的故事,貪污腐敗的公安會為了很小的事故而把人扣留多天。而且,最近我很努力不去發脾氣。香港人常常批評內地人插隊。但我見到那六個男人卻在內地做着同樣的事。這令我勃然大怒(livid),但我仍制止了自己的盛怒(rage)。

        習語hold my tongue是指即使自己很想說某些話,仍極力閉口不言。我不時見到人會合親友來插隊,但這是我首次碰到有五個人會合一個排隊的人。守規矩地排隊是文明社會的一部份。但我常常在超市見到,只要有另一個收銀處開啟,香港人便會跳隊而湧去那收銀處。這就使本來排最後的人,變成另一個收銀處排頭位的人。我在美國生活多年,開了另一處櫃位的收銀員(cashier)總會先問那排第二的人到他那邊付款,香港好應該學習這個文明規矩。

        Michael Chugani褚簡寧

        mickchug@gmail.com

        中譯:七刻

Source: http://news.hkheadline.com/dailynews/headline_news_detail_columnist.asp?id=253179§ion_name=wtt&kw=126

死海鹽治皮膚病(下) by 嚴浩

(續昨)1,用一個小面盆,根據皮膚病的面積,以一升水兩湯匙半死海鹽的比例,泡入紗布,或者棉花,或者吸水力強的小毛巾。要用溫熱水。準備好後放在旁邊。


2,浴缸中的水放到蓋過身體已經夠。


3,放入兩、三湯匙死海鹽,溫熱水泡浴最少15分鐘,目的是讓氣血運行。


4,在15分鐘後,用溫熱水簡單沖掉身上的鹽分,不要用肥皂。被死海的鹽泡過後,皮膚上很難有細菌了。


5,將浸飽鹽水的紗布覆蓋在有問題的皮膚部分上,如果用紗布,要多幾層厚一點。用保鮮薄膜包着濕紗布,最少15分鐘。同時用熱水袋敷在上面,目的是增加血液循環。


6,15分鐘後,不要擦乾,直接塗上椰子油加甜杏仁油,或者大麻籽油。


以上步驟每星期3到4次,4到6星期開始見效,其間繼續用布緯食療或者大麻籽油療法。


「香港心腦保健會」的兩種死海鹽其中一種含有天然香精,成分有法國薰衣草,可以緩和炎症與癢;茶樹油,治發炎、皮膚脫屑、消毒;佛手柑,緩和色斑。


治療濕疹、牛皮癬有幾個重點,請參考《嚴選偏方》第1、2集,要強調必須自己看書,從讀者的實戰中增加知識、堅強信心。再強調不可以吃甜品,任何用白糖做的食物都不可以吃,包括雪糕、糕點、巧克力、汽水、糖水,例如紅豆沙、紫米露……,白糖會迅速刺激腎上腺,引起免疫系統進一步混亂,後果就是皮膚再度發炎紅腫。原來文章中介紹用艾葉洗澡,可以繼續用艾葉,或者改用死海鹽,或者用艾葉煲水以後加入死海鹽泡浴。

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18409036&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20130905

惋惜故居 by 李碧華

閱報,梅艷芳壽山村道的故居已易主。不知何時出售?賣給誰?只一段花邊,提到梅媽長期欠租達二十餘萬,業主限日收樓。阿梅遺產執行人已賣屋收定套現,可向梅媽媽多發生活費及清繳欠租。報載「梅媽才冇咁手緊,亦有瓦遮頭」云云。


據知阿梅遺囑負責母親每月充足生活費至百年歸老的,何以……算了,故居已有新主,一切煙消雲散。老人家便好好生活,別令已離世者掛慮不安,才是愛護她,真正對她好。


我們都明白,人去樓空,人走茶涼。再惋惜的房子,沒有人氣、體溫,又如何?正如劉培基說:「世上物質不重要,可惜人走了,就算一屋衫,走時都只是穿着一件……」


不過,即使有很多人來洽商《胭脂扣》重拍版權,我都推卻。年前內地有個滬劇團和一羅姓的上海市人大代表,中國戲劇家協會副主席,在我方經理人明確拒絕後,仍厚顏侵權,硬上這個如花與十二少的戲,我方堅持打官司再上訴,也不肯勉強妥協,有理就不怕。當年阿梅23歲,哥哥30,風華正茂珠玉在前──除非我想到一個好方式,與他倆溝通也OK,否則繼續say no也罷。不缺錢,只缺人。

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18409026&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20130905

美國為何失敗 by 陶傑

美國奧巴馬對叙利亞的阿薩德,有點像中國眼中的梁特首:軍事手段把阿薩德弄掉不難,然後讓哪一個頂替,才是問題。


阿薩德的暴政,是叙利亞阿拉伯人的少數民族。所謂「反對派」,是大多數的遜尼派。「反對派」並不信奉西方文明的人權和自由,也不相信什麼議會普選民主,但反對派現在伸手向美國要鎗要炮,想了斷與阿薩德的血海深仇。


就像「阿拉伯之春」的埃及,穆巴拉克倒了,上台的卻是激進的伊斯蘭兄弟會。奧巴馬對叙利亞出兵遲疑,因為美國對中東的政策,二十年來,全盤失敗,美國對叙利亞、埃及這類國家,沒有後着。


叙利亞的遜尼族反對派,並不親美,相反,其中還有激進的原教旨勢力。美國替他們除去阿薩德之後,如果將叙利亞提交「民選」,叙利亞隨時會變成塔利班的阿富汗或「兄弟會」的埃及。英美民意反對出兵中東,也沒有錯。


除非英美重建西方殖民主義,除非不干預,否則向叙利亞這種國家派總督,即所謂開「歷史的倒車」。


開倒車,不是問題:當中國的「習李新政」也開倒車,恢復毛左文革,捉拿知識份子,西方也應該重建殖民主義──不可以只准你倒退,不可以我也倒退──但英美這代政權,因自由左派文化人影響,已經失去了殖民主義的意志,相反,俄國的普京,骨子裏還是共產黨;叙利亞埃及的反對派,骨子裏還有伊斯蘭原教旨激進的基因。


出兵叙利亞,扶助反對派,推翻阿薩德,有如有一天,香港的「長毛」在大陸變成反共叛亂領袖,有兩三億人跟隨,美國向「長毛」運輸武器。「長毛」推翻了共黨政權,卻宣佈反美,中國改奉托洛斯基──以上假設,純屬誇張幻想,不過如此譬喻,跟美國今日在中東的處境一樣。


即使中國搞掉梁振英,還有曾鈺成。美國在叙利亞埃及的「曾鈺成」在哪裏?沒有。權謀不足,理想誤事,阿拉伯人,天生不可能學會西方的民主,永遠不會。西方的知識份子以「平等」看世界,這就是美國失敗誤事的地方。

Source: http://hkm.appledaily.com/detail.php?guid=18409025&category_guid=vice&sup_id=12187389&category=daily&issue=20130905

彰顯民主還是玩弄民主 by 施永青

【am730專欄】有論者指奧巴馬決定先尋求國會授權,然後才向敘利亞動武是尊重民意,在在彰顯了民主精神。但我卻覺得這更像是一種政客玩弄民主的把戲。

美國總統的權力很大,一朝當選,就有權漠視民意。民選議員在國會通過的法案,總統不加簽就可以加以擱置。至於對外動武,作為三軍總司令的總統更有絕對權力,可以不經國會授權,打了再算。總統的責任只是在48小時內通知國會。如果行動可在60天內結束,國會沒法阻止。

要知道對外發動戰爭是要人民去送命的啊!這麼重大的決定,性命攸關,竟然可以由總統獨行獨斷!實在很難想像這樣的制度如何彰顯民主!

在六十年代,美國借東京灣事件,把越戰升級,全面轟炸北越,大量派兵去南越直接參戰。整個過程都沒有尋求過國會授權,沒有接受過議員質詢,甚麼「拉布」技術都無所施其技。後來,人民發覺死得人多,才群起反對。但美國政府一於少理,直到戰場失利,才被迫倉皇撤兵。

越戰之後,美國人民尋求修憲限制總統對外用兵的權力,但只是小修小補,無法動搖總統的基本主導權。因為美國的有識之士認為,民意有時不足取,凡事都按民意去做,會損害美國的根本利益,長遠未必對人民有利。所以在戰爭這類重大問題上,他們寧相信精英,不願意把國家的命運交給民意。

按照現有制度,奧巴馬根本沒有需要尋求國會授權向敘利亞動武。他的前任,打韓戰、打越戰、打阿富汗、打伊拉克,都沒有國會授權,為何這次要這樣做?如果真的要這樣才能彰顯民主,美國是否願意修憲,要總統以後都得這樣做?

奧巴馬今次臨陣退縮,並非突然醒悟,覺得先要徵詢民意;而是發覺自己錯估形勢,這場仗打起來並不符合美國的根本利益,不想單獨承擔這個責任,才把問題交給國會。難道他不知道,美國的民意有六成都反對出兵嗎?國會議員為了下屆繼續當選,大都會按民意投票,奧巴馬就是要借助議員的這種行為,來紓緩自己身上的壓力。

他事前確是把美國出兵的需要渲染得過甚了。他自定底線,認為使用化武絕對違反人道,人權無疆界,主權無絕對,美國有責任出兵。之後又咬定敘利亞有使用化武,動武干預已如箭在弦,非發不可。現在怎去解釋突然要打退堂鼓呢?唯有以民意去放棄人權責任。這似是玩弄民主,多過是彰顯民主。

然而,這種做法實際上是把美國的民意與美國維護國際人權的責任對立起來。民主與人權兩個都是普世價值;孰輕孰重,世人都被奧巴馬的選擇弄得困惑起來。

 



Source: http://www.am730.com.hk/article.php?article=171133

怪獸家長 | 晴報Sky Post‧日日好心情 by 劉天賜

多個團體要求政府盡快落實免費幼兒教育。認為政府要大力投放資源,才可以打破目前幼兒界私營一體化的模式,提升教育質素,提供多元服務。香港人對子女的期望日漸遠大,可能因為生育子女的數目比以前少得多,希望子女在這工商業大都會中,爭取到較高的社會地位及財富。
西方人生教育開始於幼兒,但並非在幼兒時期便灌輸文化及技能知識,及至專才知識。例如在現代德國,國家立法規定不能強加所謂「知識」於幼兒,乃順從他們智力及體力發育的程度而開展。
香港近年情況剛好相反,很多家長希望子弟「早日成功」,有人竟送幼兒返兩間幼稚園,「學多其他人一倍的東西」,以便容易考取名校。儘管低經濟收入一群,也捨得在幼兒身上花「學習消費」,有一種錯誤觀念,栽培花的錢愈多,子弟成功、受益的結果愈大。是故有稱之「怪獸家長」,所以「怪」乃在於「供子弟」或「期望子弟」之心「怪」。

Source: http://www.skypost.hk/column/劉天賜/007010001002/%E6%80%AA%E7%8D%B8%E5%AE%B6%E9%95%B7/108900